We Need to Talk About What is Happening in Tigray
The recent investigation into the ongoing conflict in the Tigray region of Ethiopia has confirmed the use of sexual violence as a war weapon. The crisis in Ethiopia seems to be progressing at an alarming rate, where it is being dubbed as a “genocidal war” considering the atrocities and mass executions being committed.
What is the Tigray Conflict?
An armed conflict in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia began in November 2020 between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Federal Government of Ethiopia.
The TPLF is a powerful party that has dominated Ethiopian politics for 27 years as a repressive regime through the one-party dominant system and has had a disproportionate say in the workings of the federal government, it currently governs the Tigray region.
Following the 2018 electoral win of current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, under the new Prosperity Party, the Ethiopian political structure saw several reforms, including the sidelining of Tigray leaders who were previously extremely dominant in Ethiopian politics. Ahmed’s win resulted in the relocation of TPLF to Tigray and they have administered the region since, often having clashes with the federal government, like the administration’s refusal to allow the federal police to arrest Getachew Assefa, an executive member of the TPLF, on allegations of rights abuse.
By December 2019, Ahmed managed to break the coalition that was led by TPLF and merge ethnic and region-based parties as well as many opposition parties into the Prosperity Party. TPLF refused to merge, and instead alleged that this was a move to grab more power and weaken the federation.
Further, TPLF alleged that Ahmed’s move to reschedule the already postponed general and regional elections from August 2020 to an undetermined date in 2021, due to COVID-19, made him an illegitimate ruler; Despite the announcement, TPLF held the regional elections, the results of which were not recognized by the Prime Minister and he threatened to pull federal funding, resulting in increased hostilities between the TPLF and the federal government.
One of the reforms that Ahmed introduced was the new peace deal with Eritrea, a country that is viewed as a “rival” nation in the Tigray region, especially by the TPLF, under whose region several border clashes and war with Eritrea occurred. Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for “his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighboring Eritrea”.
The crisis in Ethiopia seems to be progressing at an alarming rate, where it is being dubbed as a “genocidal war” considering the atrocities and mass executions being committed. (UNICEF | Zerihun Sewunet)
Ahmed warming relations with the Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki was received poorly in Tigray, who viewed this relationship as a threat to their region and its people. It is important to note that one of the main agendas Ahmed has for the country is towards the unification and reconciliation within the country, thus encouraging a centralization of power and decrease of regional government’s autonomy, a move that has been met with severe resistance from Tigray.
What has happened so far?
The conflict started on Nov 4, 2020, when the Tigray regional security forces, who were loyal to the TPLF, attacked an army base of the Ethiopian National Defense Force in Mekelle, killing several people and injuring many more.
The federal government that the base was also looted of weapons. The TPLF claimed that the attack was carried out in “self-defense.”
In response, Ahmed ordered a military offensive against the TPLF, declared a state of emergency in the country and shut down government services in the Tigray region. On Nov 6, the Ahmed disclosed that his administration had launched an airstrike against the Tigray region, and accused the TPLF of "criminal hubris and intransigence," stating the TPLF’s rejection towards efforts made by the federal government for mediation, reconciliation, and dialogue.
Between Nov 9-10, the Mai Kadra Massacre occurred, where nearly 600 civilians, who were mainly Amhara and Welkait people, were mass murdered with machetes and knives by the locals loyal to the TPLF. This was viewed as the start of ethnic cleansing in the region.
On Nov 14, it was reported that rocket attacks were launched at the Gondar Airport and Bahir Dar Airport, causing slight damage. The TPLF claimed responsibility for the attacks. On Nov 17, Ahmed announced the launch of a “final and crucial” offensive, a surgical airstrike in the region, capturing the cities of Shire Alamata, Raya, Adwa and Axum; an airstrike hit Mekelle University on Nov 20, injuring many civilians. On Nov 26, after refusing offers of international mediation, Ahmed ordered the Ethiopian federal forces to attack Mekelle, the capital city of the Tigray region, and a battle ensued.
By Nov 28, the Ethiopian government took control over Mekelle, ending the Tigray offensive launched earlier in the month, it was later reported that the Ethiopian forces launched a direct assault on the city, killing nearly 27 civilians (including a 4-year-old) and injuring nearly 100 civilians. Even though the Ethiopian government denied allegations by TPLF leadership that they bombarded the city with artillery, doctors in the city reported that the artillery shelling by the government also targeted civilian neighborhoods. The healthcare workers shared information via text messages and in anonymity to ensure safety.
So how is Eritrea involved in this?
On Feb 1, a list of 1033 documented civilian deaths allegedly caused by the Eritrean troops was released by the media organization Tghat. (International Rescue Committee | The Associated Press)
For months the Ethiopian government denied TPLF allegations about the involvement of Eritrean forces in Tigray, on Mar 23, Abiy Ahmed finally admitted to the country’s involvement in the conflict. Before this admission, several residents, workers, diplomats, military officials and other civilians gave their accounts of the Eritrean Defence Force’s involvement in the conflict, some even revealing that they persecuted many civilians in the region.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated that the TPLF’s attack on Asmara provoked the Eritrean government to cross borders into Ethiopia and their troops did take over areas surrounding the border while residents and human rights groups present in the region have stated that the Eritrean troops’ involvement in the region was far more extensive than what was stated by the Prime Minister.
Ahmed’s own Prosperity Party branch in Tigray had stated concerns regarding the Eritrean invasion back in February 2020. On Nov 21, while the Ethiopian federal force made a move to capture the city of Adigrat and claimed that it had captured the city successfully (even though the TPLF claimed that there was the only bombardment that killed 9 civilians) Eritrean Defence Forces gained control of the Idaga Hamus town in Tigray and extrajudicially executed 24 civilians as revenge for the deaths of their soldiers. This extrajudicial execution was repeated after they took control of Adigrat, killing 12 civilians. On Nov 23, it was reported by the Agence France-Presse that the town of Humera was being shelled heavily by the Ethiopian forces as well as the Eritrean forces.
On Dec 10, the United States Department of States reported to Reuters that they had credible information of the presence of Eritrean force in Tigray: Mesfin Hagos, former Eritrean defense minister, claimed (with sources in and outside the government) that Eritrea had assisted Ethiopia by deploying its commandos and infantry. On Dec 11, the UNHCR reported that it had received information about atrocities being committed against the Eritrean refugees, reportedly by the Eritrean forces who were forcefully taking them back to Eritrea. On Dec 19, it was reported that almost 16 civilians in Adigrat were killed when they tried stopping the Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers from robbing a pharmaceutical factory. On Dec 21, The Guardian reported that the assault on Tigray was being led by the Eritrean troops, who were looting and damaging the region while also killing innocent civilians. The Ethiopian force had to step in to restrain the Eritrean troops. On the same day, it was also revealed that 3 UN guards were killed by the Eritrean troops after they stopped them from taking Eritrean refugees back, it was suggested that the troops were actively looking for Eritrean refugees in the region who were opposed to the government. On Jan 3, 2021, the first Ethiopian who admitted to the presence of Eritrean force in Ethiopia was the new mayor of Mekelle, who requested the immediate withdrawal of Eritrean troops from the region. On Feb 1, a list of 1033 documented civilian deaths allegedly caused by the Eritrean troops was released by the media organization Tghat.
What is happening now?
While the ethnic profiling against Tigrayans is continuing, the abuse faced has increased in terms of severity. Tigrayans are facing arbitrary home searches, sudden suspension of bank accounts, indefinite leave by their employers, denial to travel overseas and continued counts of persecution by the troops (it is alleged that the Eritrean troops are committing crimes while disguised as members of Ethiopian forces.)
Further, the federal police circulated orders to identify ethnic Tigrayans from all government agencies and NGOs from an office of the World Food Programme. As of Mar 22, new evidence has emerged to support claims of the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war in the armed conflict.
First reported by the Europe External Programme with Africa (EEPA) on Jan 4, 2021, many women in the city of Mekelle requested access to emergency contraceptive pills, claiming that they had been kidnapped by the security forces, sexually abused and raped either individually or in acts of gang rape.
In an interview with Reuters’ a refugee reported that she had been raped at gunpoint, and her rapist (dressed in the Ethiopian National Defence Force uniform) refused to wear a condom, deeming it unnecessary. Several aid workers and doctors also gave several reports of rape in Mekelle, Wukro, Adigrat and many other cities.
EEPA also reported testimonies from doctors who stated that the people who witnessed or tried to prevent these acts of sexual violence were killed by both the Eritrean and Ethiopian troops.
On Feb 28, 11 female students, studying at the Ayder Referral Hospital in Mekelle, were returning from the library to their dormitories when they were raped by the Ethiopian National Defence Force troops; in early March, it was reported that many women who lived in the outskirts of Mekelle were kidnapped and kept as domestic workers and sex slaves for weeks by the Ethiopian National Defence Force troops. A recent exposé by CNN revealed an alarming increase in sexual violence cases.
The CNN article also reported an increase in the severity of these violent acts: in one such case, a survivor’s vagina was stuffed with stones, nails and plastic. In the CNN interview, survivors have recounted similar stories about their assault by Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers, who have taken upon themselves to accomplish this mission of ethnically cleansing the Tigray region. Many survivors have said that their rapists come with the intent to “change their identity” and to “cleanse them (the women) and their bloodline.”